The Greek Philosophers, Vol. 2 (of 2) — Themes and Context
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ontemporary thought, 1—Fate of the schools which they founded, 2—Revival of earlier philosophies and especially of naturalism, 3—Antisthenes and the Cynics, 4—Restoration of naturalism to its former dignity, 6.
II. Zeno and Crates, 7—Establishment of the Stoic school, 8—Cleanthes and Chrysippus, 9—Encyclopaedic character of the Stoic teaching, 9—The great place which it gave to physical science, 10—Heracleitean reaction against the dualism of Aristotle, 11—Determinism and materialism of the Stoics, 12—Their concessions to the popular religion, 14.
III. The Stoic theory of cognition purely empirical, 15—Development of formal logic, 16—New importance attributed to judgment as distinguished from conception, 16—The idea of law, 17—Consistency as the principle of the Stoic ethics, 18—Meaning of the precept, Follow Nature, 19—Distinction between pleasure and self-interest as moral standards, 20—Absolute sufficiency of virtue for happiness, 21—The Stoics wrong from an individual, right from a social point of view, 22—Theory of the passions, 23—Necessity of volition and freedom of judgment, 24—Difficulties involved in an appeal to purpose in creation, 24.
IV. The Stoic paradoxes follow logically from the absolute distinction between right and wrong, 25—Attempt at a compromise with the ordinary morality by the doctrines (i.) of preference and objection, 26—(ii.) of permissible feeling, 27—(iii.) of progress from folly to wisdom, 27—and (iv.) of imperfect duties, 27—Cicero’s _De Officiis_, 28—Examples of Stoic casuistry, 29—Justification of suicide, 30.
V. Three great contributions made by the Stoics to ethical speculation, (i.) The inwardness of virtue, including the notion of conscience, 31—Prevalent misconception with regard to the Erinyes, 32—(ii.) The individualisation of duty, 33—Process by which this idea was evolved, 35—Its influence on the Romans of the empire, 36—(iii.) The idea of humanity, 36—Its connexion with the idea of Nature, 37—Utilitarianism of the Stoics, 38.
VI. The philanthropic tendencies of Stoicism partly neutralised by its extreme individualism, 40—Conservatism of Marcus Aurelius, 41—The Stoics at once unpitying and forgiving, 42—Humility produced by their doctrine of universal depravity, 42—It is not in the power of others to injure us, 43—The Stoic satirists and Roman society, 44.
VII. The idea of Nature and the unity of mankind, 44—The dynamism of Heracleitus dissociated from the teleology of Socrates, 46—Standpoint of Marcus Aurelius, 46—Tendency to extricate morality from its external support, 47—Modern attacks on Nature, 48—Evolution as an ethical sanction, 49—The vicious circle of evolutionist ethics, 50—The idea of humanity created and maintained by the idea of a cosmos, 51—The prayer of Cleanthes, 52.
EPICURUS AND LUCRETIUS pages 53-119
I. Stationary character of Epicureanism, 53—Prevalent tendency to exaggerate its scientific value, 55—Opposition or indifference of Epicurus to the science of his time, 57.
II. Life of Epicurus, 58—His philosophy essentially practical, 59—The relation of pleasure to virtue: Aristippus, 60—Pessimism of Hêgêsias, 61—Hedonism of Plato’s _Protagoras_, 61—The Epicurean definition of pleasure, 62—Reaction of Plato’s idealism on Epicurus, 63—He accepts the negative definition of pleasure, 64—Inconsistency involved in his admissions, 65.
III. Deduction of the particular virtues: Temperance, 66—Points of contact with Cynicism, 66—Evils bred by excessive frugality, 67—Sexual passion discouraged by Epicureanism, 67—Comparative indulgence shown to pity and grief, 68—Fortitude inculcated by minimising the evils of pain, 69—Justice as a regard for the general interest, 70—The motives for abstaining from aggression purely selfish, 70—Indifference of the Epicureans to political duties, 73—Success of Epicureanism in promoting disinterested friendship, 74.
IV. Motives which led Epicurus to include physics in his teaching, 75—His attacks on supernaturalism directed less against the old Polytheism than against the religious movement whence Catholicism sprang, 76—Justification of the tone taken by Lucretius, 78—Plato and Hildebrand, 78—Concessions made by Epicurus to the religious reaction, 80—His criticism of the Stoic theology, 81.
V. Why Epicurus adopted the atomic theory, 82—Doctrine of infinite combinations, 83—Limited number of chances required by the modern theory of evolution, 84—Objections to which Democritus had laid himself open, 85—They are not satisfactorily met by Epicurus, 85—One naturalistic theory as good as another, 87—except the conclusions of astronomy, which are false, 87.
VI. Materialism and the denial of a future life, 88—Epicurus tries to argue away the dread of death, 89—His enterprise inconsistent with human nature, 90—The belief in future torments is the dread of death under another form, 92—How the prospect of death adds to our enjoyment of life, 93—Its stimulating effect on the energies, 94—The love of life gives meaning and merit to courage, 95.
VII. The Epicurean theory of sensation and cognition, 95—Negative character of the whole system, 98—Theory of human history: the doctrine of progressive civilisation much older than Epicurus, 98—Opposition between humanism and naturalism on this point, 99—Passage from a drama of Euphorion, 99.
Alfred William Benn opens his second volume with a striking claim: the systems of Plato and Aristotle failed to secure a lasting hold on contemporary thought, and the schools they founded quickly dissolved. This sets the stage for a survey that moves from the Stoa to the Garden, and finally to the mystical philosophy of Plotinus. Benn’s method is to ground his analysis in the surviving texts and, notably, in epigraphic monuments—tomb inscriptions that reveal popular beliefs about death and immortality. He treats philosophical systems not as isolated doctrines but as responses to cultural and religious pressures, often noting where a school’s official position diverged from the views of its adherents.
The Stoic System as a Materialist Monism
Benn presents Stoicism as a deliberate reaction against the dualism of Aristotle. The Stoics returned to Heracleitean physics, positing a single material substance—fire or pneuma—that pervades all things and is identical with divine reason. Their determinism is absolute: everything happens according to fate, yet they insist on human freedom of judgment. Benn highlights the paradox: the Stoic sage is free precisely because he aligns his will with the necessary course of events. The ethical principle “follow nature” is unpacked as a demand for consistency, not a license for instinct. Benn notes that the Stoics distinguished between pleasure and self-interest as moral standards, and that their absolute distinction between right and wrong led to famous paradoxes—for example, that all sins are equal. He also shows how later Stoics compromised with ordinary morality through doctrines of preference, permissible feeling, and imperfect duties, as seen in Cicero’s De Officiis.
Epicureanism and the Evidence of the Tombs
Benn turns to Epicureanism, which he calls the most widely diffused philosophical system of the early Roman empire. Its adherents rejected belief in an afterlife as a mischievous delusion, and many ensured that their convictions were recorded on their tombs. Benn cites a typical epitaph: “I was nothing and became, I was and am no more, so much is true. To speak otherwise is to lie, for I shall be no more.” He notes that some inscriptions exhort the passer-by to indulge appetites freely, a sentiment he judges alien to genuine Epicureanism. The chapter draws on epigraphic monuments to argue that public opinion on immortality was divided, with sceptical writers like the elder Pliny representing only a minority. Benn observes that Pliny called the belief in immortality not only irrational but “the reverse of consolatory,” a phrase that captures the materialist’s rejection of hope beyond the grave.
The Stoic and Peripatetic Positions on the Soul
Benn examines the range of views on the soul’s survival within schools that were officially materialist. Most Stoics allowed the soul to continue its individual existence until the world’s reabsorption into elemental fire, but others, notably Marcus Aurelius, looked forward to a more speedy extinction. Benn suggests that the emperor’s difficulty reconciling death’s injustice with a beneficent providence, combined with the Heracleitean dogma of perpetual transformation, led him to renounce hope of a new existence. Similarly, the Peripatetic commentator Alexander of Aphrodisias affirmed the soul’s perishable nature, attributing the same belief to Aristotle. Benn uses these examples to show that philosophical materialism did not always entail a denial of survival, but that logical consistency often pushed thinkers toward extinction. The chapter underscores how even within a single school, opinions varied widely.
Supernaturalism and the Doctrine of Immortality
Benn devotes a long chapter to the doctrine of immortality as a form of supernaturalism characteristic of the Roman empire, and quite apart from Christian influence. He argues that epigraphic monuments provide the most trustworthy information, revealing that belief in a life beyond the grave was far more common than sceptical literature suggests. Yet the inscriptions do not all point one way: some epitaphs repudiate the notion, while others express confidence in survival. Benn notes that all philosophers except Platonists and Pythagoreans were materialists, and that no logical thinker could accept the everlasting duration of a complex corporeal substance. The chapter thus presents a nuanced picture: popular religion and philosophical materialism coexisted, with the tomb inscriptions serving as a battleground for conflicting views. Benn’s method—weighing literary against epigraphic evidence—gives the reader a concrete sense of how beliefs were lived and recorded.
Benn’s second volume is best read as a series of interlocking case studies, each testing how a philosophical system held up against the pressures of Roman society and personal mortality. The recurring use of epitaphs and the attention to internal disagreements within schools make this a work of intellectual history rather than a mere doxography. Readers interested in the gap between official doctrine and popular belief will find Benn a careful guide, though his own materialist sympathies are occasionally visible. The volume stands on its own, but those who have read the first will see how the story of Greek thought culminates in the ethical and religious crises of the early empire.
Reading about Stoic appeals to reason feels like settling into an old armchair; the materialist whispers of late antiquity still echo in me. That drift toward the unseen, the infinite, reminds me of something gentler yet—a quiet volume, On the theory of the infinite in modern thought — Context and Discussion, which I keep near my notebooks. They seem distant, yet both trace the same ache for what lies beyond our grasp.
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