An Outline of Sexual Morality — Story, Setting & Ideas
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Puritanism had reached its zenith, not of intensity but of universality, by the latter half of the last century. Those of us who are old enough to have been Victorians were brought up on comparative doses of the Puritan medicine. Especially among the middle-classes the history of every English family from the eighties till the War is extraordinarily similar; it consists of a series of emancipations. Our grandparents were almost entirely Puritan in their manner of living, our parents had compromised and extricated themselves to some degree, and our children have become almost wholly free. How many of us realize that up to the seventies it was quite improper for a lady to ride on the top of an omnibus?
In no instance was the effect of Puritanism stronger than on sex. For sex is pre-eminently inspired by a desire for pleasure, whether it be spiritual, emotional, or carnal. On this score alone it would have been marked out as a deadly evil. But there was a further indictment in the Puritan creed. According to the Miltonian interpretation Paradise had been lost on account of the sex impulse; "original sin" was nothing more or less than the sense of sex--the loss of sexual ignorance. Accordingly the whole sex-nature was regarded as evil, and sex generally became a taboo, a closed subject to which no reference could be made. Victorian Puritanism often, indeed, suggests the ostrich burying his head in the sand--the attempt to remedy evil by pretending that it does not exist.
The effect of Puritanism on the Victorian was precisely this conformity of outward behaviour. It assumed that all men and women were innocent, and that, except in marriage, sex played no part in life. It pretended they were innocent, and it made them only respectable. Parents would often refrain, on the plea that innocence must not be disturbed, from teaching their children anything about sex. So impure and evil a subject must not be referred to. Such unpleasant problems as venereal disease must be hidden out of sight, although prostitution and venereal disease continue to flourish. The Victorian, in fact, carried out the Puritan doctrine that all sex is evil, by outwardly pretending that, unless married, he possessed no sexual instinct. Actually he was no more inclined to abstention than any other human generation has been.
Indeed, we do not find any evidence that Puritanism succeeds in carrying its anti-sex theories into practice. In South Wales, for example, where Puritanism has established a particular stronghold, sexual laxity is peculiarly marked.
The reaction from Puritanism, especially in regard to sex, has been precipitated and exaggerated by the Great War. We have therefore in modern society two opposing policies. Among those who have thrown over all "religious" observance and have freed themselves entirely from Puritanism, there seems to be a complete absence of any moral sex-standard. We can appreciate that impasse if we consider the inability of the sex-novel or play to suggest any form of conduct which is immoral. Those who still adhere to organized religion continue to look at sex largely through Puritan spectacles. The "fallen woman" or the convicted clergyman is genuinely regarded as being guilty of the most damning of all offences. The sexual laxity of the neo-Georgian is used as a convincing argument that once the Puritan view is abandoned, complete anarchy is the only alternative. Religious teachers continue to preach what many of them would deny to be Puritan doctrine, but what I hope to prove belongs peculiarly to that aspect of Christianity. And meanwhile the "non-religious world" pronounces the opposite extreme.
It is because I believe both these attitudes to contain error, that I am anxious to contribute the foundation for some principle in the current deadlock.
Chapter 2: Official Attitudes towards Sex
It will now be convenient to define the chief collective or official attitudes towards sex. In a mere outline such as this handbook professes to be, we may divide these attitudes into three, and label them the popular attitude, the legal or State attitude, and the religious attitude.
Kenneth Ingram opens An Outline of Sexual Morality by positioning his inquiry as a constructive effort to reform society's treatment of the sex instinct. Writing in 1922, he draws on modern psychological thought and a stated desire to replace ignorance with understanding. The book's introduction, contributed by F. W. W. Griffin, frames the work as a scientific inquiry into primal instincts, emphasizing the need for balance between self-expression and self-repression. Ingram's authorial voice is measured and reformist, aiming to build a 'practicable social morality' rather than merely condemn individual immorality.
Diction of Reform and Rationalism
Ingram's vocabulary consistently signals a rational, scientific approach. He speaks of 'primal instincts,' 'psychological thought,' and 'scientific inquiry,' deliberately avoiding moralistic or religious terminology. The word 'sexual' itself, he notes, 'invariably induces some measure of opposition,' so he sometimes substitutes 'racial' to emphasize 'Race Preservation.' This lexical choice reveals his strategy: to reframe sex as a social and biological matter rather than a private sin. His prose is clinical yet accessible, using terms like 'hetero-sexual' and 'homosexual' as neutral categories. The repeated call for 'education and economic independence' as solutions to prostitution further underscores his faith in rational social engineering over punitive measures.
Dialogue with Authority and Counterargument
Ingram engages with institutional voices—the State, the Catholic Church, the Church of England—but does so critically. He acknowledges that 'the State and the Catholic Church are scientifically justified' in prohibiting incest, yet he questions the naturalness of the distaste, hypothesizing that a sister separated from birth might unknowingly love her brother. This hypothetical reveals his method: testing received norms against psychological plausibility. Similarly, he dismisses the Church of England's stance on the Deceased Wife's Sister Act as 'pedantic,' attributing it to historical anomalies in canon law. His tone is respectful but firm, treating ecclesiastical positions as data to be analyzed rather than obeyed.
Structure of Progressive Argumentation
The book's structure moves from general principles to specific cases. After establishing the need for a 'sound foundation' in social morality, Ingram addresses prostitution, venereal disease, marriage law, and homosexuality in turn. Each chapter builds on the previous, with cross-references that create a cumulative argument. For instance, his discussion of prostitution as 'largely an economic problem' leads to a proposal for compulsory medical examinations—a concrete policy suggestion. The chapter on 'The Homosexual Temperament' begins with a warning against prejudice, urging readers to set aside 'temperamental colour' and consider the issue impartially. This structural progression from abstract to applied, and from normative to deviant, reflects Ingram's belief in systematic reform.
Recurring Details: Love as the Central Criterion
Throughout the excerpts, Ingram returns to love as the essential element in sexual relationships. The introduction praises his 'insistence upon the vital necessity of there being love in all sex relationships.' In discussing marriage, he states that 'love, and therefore marriage, naturally contains the sense of permanence.' Even when addressing prostitution, he implies that its evil lies in the absence of love—a woman would not 'submit herself to every voluptuous patron' if she had economic alternatives. This recurring emphasis on love serves as a moral anchor, distinguishing his reformist position from both conservative condemnation and libertine permissiveness. It also aligns with the psychological language of the era, which saw love as a healthy expression of instinct.
Readers approaching An Outline of Sexual Morality should attend to Ingram's careful balance of scientific detachment and moral conviction. His arguments are rooted in early twentieth-century psychology and social conditions, yet many of his concerns—economic drivers of prostitution, the legal status of homosexuality, the role of love in sexual ethics—remain pertinent. The book rewards attention to its rhetorical strategies: how Ingram uses hypotheticals, engages with authority, and structures his case for reform. It is a document of its time, but also a thoughtful contribution to ongoing debates about sexuality and society.
I found myself thinking of my father’s old study, where both this rationalist plea for compassion and The Ethics of Drink and Other Social Questions; Or, Joints In Our Social Armour — Reading Notes sat together on a dusty shelf. Each argues for kindness over judgment, looking past private habits to shared human frailty. That same patient, undogmatic voice—asking us merely to understand—warmed me then, and again now.
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