Consumers and Wage-Earners: The Ethics of Buying Cheap — Text and Context

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Ross, J. Elliot (John Elliot), 1884-1946 Project Gutenberg 2013 Not confirmed
Wages -- United States; Wages; Consumers -- United States Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 29,356
Reading time 128 min
Text sections 5

For Consumers and Wage-Earners: The Ethics of Buying Cheap — Text and Context, the stored edition analysis reports 29,356 words, 2 hr 8 min estimated reading time, and 5 detected text sections.

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J. Elliot Ross examines the moral obligations of consumers who seek low prices, using wage data and factory conditions to argue that cheap goods often come at the cost of exploited labor, particularly women and children.
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This was in 1906 and the cost of living has advanced considerably since then. Dr. Ryan would probably, therefore, not consider too high the estimate of the Bureau of Labor (l. c.) of $600.00 for cotton mill operatives in the South. Under this standard, the father supports the family, the mother stays at home looking after the house, and the children go to school. It includes insurance.

Now for the sake of argument let us assume that laborers have a strict right in justice to a standard represented by $600.00 a year in a Southern mill town. I must reluctantly admit that $600.00 cannot be proved conclusively to be the sum to which all laborers have a right. But for the time being we shall take it for granted, and from the standpoint of this assumption judge the justice or injustice of industrial conditions.

I have said that I do not think that this obligation can be _proved conclusively_, that is, as conclusively as a proposition in geometry. But I do think that it is capable of the same proof that we have for many other moral truths that pass unquestioned. We must beware of applying to new propositions that corrosive logic which, if impartially exercised on old and new alike, would destroy the very basis of morality.

This principle, that moral truths cannot be absolutely demonstrated, is generally admitted and many concrete examples could be given from prominent ethicists: thus De Lugo in speaking of so fundamental a question as the unlawfulness of suicide, does not hesitate to say: "The whole difficulty consists in assigning a reason for this truth: for though its [suicide's] turpitude is immediately apparent, it is not easy to find the foundation of this judgment: whence (_a thing that happens in many other questions_) the conclusion is more certain than the reason adduced by various authors for its proof."[34]

Again, Ballerini, in treating of the unlawfulness of one of the sins mentioned by St. Paul in the sixth chapter of his first Epistle to the Corinthians, remarks that "it is most difficult to assign a reason for this." Then, after rejecting all the reasons usually brought forward, he adds: "It must be admitted that there are some practical truths necessary for the right association of men with each other, which men feel and perceive by a sort of rational instinct, whose reason, nevertheless (at least a demonstrative one), when these same men seek it analytically, they find it hard to discover. It would seem that nature, or the Author of our nature, wished to supply the defect of the exercise of reason by an instinct or rational sense of this kind: ... Among the truths of this nature, the one of which we treat happens to be found."[35]

If unquestioned authorities like Ballerini and De Lugo admit their inability to prove such fundamental and important obligations (it will be noted that De Lugo says there are _many_ such) as those of refraining from the above mentioned sins, it need not surprise us to find that the obligations of Consumers cannot be proved _apodictically_. It would be foolish, therefore, to claim absolutely to demonstrate this obligation. All that can be done is to adduce the same proofs that Aquinas, Suarez, and other master minds have used to fix other duties, and show that they have equal force in the present discussion. It is simply the familiar argument _a pari_, and the claim would seem reasonable, that any objectors meeting these arguments on purely rational grounds, must show that they do not equally apply to this obligation, or else deny their force as proof for the other duties.

[33] Others have approximated this estimate, though possibly without giving it exactly the same ethical implications as Dr. Ryan. Thus Chapin, "Standard of Living in New York City," N. Y., p. 245, claims $800.00 as the minimum for New York City. Miss Butler, "Women and the Trades," N. Y., p. 346, says $7.00 a week for a single woman in Pittsburgh. The United States Bureau of Labor in the third volume of its report on "Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States," p. 560, declares for $2.00 a week per capita.

[34] See Appendix, 9.

[35] See Appendix, 10.

THEORY OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION

Modern industrial conditions may be considered either _a priori_ or _a posteriori_, either theoretically or _de facto_. We may examine the principles of economic organization, and conclude that they will or will not lead to low wages; or we can go to the facts themselves, and decide from an examination of actual conditions whether or not wages are low, etc., always remembering the standard we have adopted.

Ross opens with a vivid scene: a boy buying a prize-bag in a country store, then pivots to the “pale, nervous, over-worked girls” who fill those bags for four cents per hundred. This contrast between innocent pleasure and hidden suffering sets the book’s central tension. Drawing on government reports and firsthand accounts, Ross argues that consumers cannot separate the price they pay from the wages and health of those who produce the goods.

The Prize-Bag as Moral Microcosm

The opening chapter uses a child’s excitement over a prize-bag to frame the ethical problem of cheap goods. Ross notes that the same “gambling instincts” that drive spending on horse races also animate a boy’s purchase—but the real gamble is borne by the young women who assemble the bags. He cites a factory where girls work ten-hour days at tables, “with boxes before them, from which they take peanuts, candy and prizes with quick automatic motion.” The wage: four cents per hundred bags. Even at maximum speed, they cannot earn a living wage. Ross does not merely condemn the employer; he implicates the buyer who demands the lowest price.

Tables That Tell a Story

Ross reproduces detailed wage-and-expense tables from a Bureau of Labor study of women workers in seven cities. One table shows that among 236 women keeping house, nearly 17% had weekly costs exceeding their earnings. Another lists how many dependents these women supported: 46 had one or more persons wholly dependent on them, while 101 had partial dependents. Ross calls these figures “pitiful stories of making ends meet.” He quotes a department-store girl who claimed she was “dieting” while eating only a dish of tapioca for lunch—her worn shoes and skirt told a different tale. The data is not abstract; it is attached to specific, vulnerable lives.

The Consumer’s Complicity

Ross repeatedly insists that the consumer who buys cheap goods shares responsibility for the conditions under which they are made. He challenges the notion that low prices are an unqualified good, arguing that they often depend on “ill-lighted, ill-ventilated rooms” and workers who cannot afford proper meals. The book does not offer simple solutions; instead, it asks readers to weigh their own convenience against the human cost. Ross’s tone is measured but urgent, blending economic data with moral reasoning. He avoids sentimentalism, letting the statistics and the workers’ own words carry the weight of his argument.

Ross’s book is not a dry economic treatise but a pointed moral inquiry. Readers should pay attention to the way he weaves together personal vignettes, statistical tables, and ethical questions. The excerpts suggest that the full text likely deepens this pattern, examining wages, health, and morals in successive chapters. For those interested in the history of consumer ethics or labor conditions in early twentieth-century America, this work offers a contemporary voice—one that holds up a mirror to the buyer as well as the seller.

I kept thinking about how we rarely see the hands behind the price tags, and that quiet unease stayed with me long after finishing. Something similar happened with The Phantom World; or, The philosophy of spirits, apparitions, &c, &c. — Reading Companion. It lingers less as an argument and more as a presence, like an old question we once half-believed, still resting somewhere soft in the mind.

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